The study of gender and conflict presents an interesting tension between who takes on community leadership in times of trouble, and what roles different genders are prescribed. As studied in larger intersections of war and gender, the Troubles reflected a larger theme of men taking on an active fighting role, and women being presented as victims (Wylie, 2017). Republicans tended to break with this standard, as while the Troubles evolved a need for active militant presence led to the wider involvement of women in paramilitary groups. However, Loyalist groups held true to these social standards, with limits put on violent activity due to their socialized believed fitness as caretakers. Women on both sides played an active and influential role in the Troubles, however differing expectations and social standards surrounding the role of women between Loyalists and Republicans meant while Republican women took an active violent role in paramilitary organizations, Loyalist women were not even welcome in their ranks, being limited to caretaking and artillery work.
Loyalist women were limited by deeply ingrained and gendered Protestant community expectations, with their involvement in paramilitary groups largely pertaining to auxiliary and organizing roles, as men in power saw a future of female-led leadership as a threat to traditional ideas of family and community organization. Loyalist paramilitary groups, and Loyalist culture as a whole, were defined as motivated by the gendered roles of family and the workforce. Closely intertwined with Protestantism, ideas on the role of marriage and the role of women in the house were also prevalent in responses to the troubles of Loyalist groups. Responsibility to family and protecting a shared identity was at the core of the conflict for many, contributing to many women who were seen traditionally as the caretakers of their communities involved in the Troubles (McEvoy, 2008). Masculinity was central to Loyalist traditions like parading and bonfires, with the subordination of femininity being used to continue this at times violent tradition (Racioppi and O’Sullivan, 2000). With roles for women being limited through sexism and beliefs on women’s fragility and natural caretaking abilities, involvement in active Protestant militarism is divided into gendered lines, with women having to take an active role in creating a space for their own beliefs.
The role of women in the Irish Republican Army was vital to the organization’s activities, as they undertook tasks of smuggling weapons and explosives, participating in protests, and eventually taking up arms. Despite a persistent battle for equal status to male IRA members, female members of auxiliary organizations such as Cumann na mBan enjoyed a rather expansive role in the organization. This is possibly attributed to the IRA’s classification as an anti-state liberatory organization (M. Allison, 2004), which made the subversion of traditional gender roles more enticing and appreciated in their use for undermining Unionist power. In addition, women surpassed men in IRA membership, outnumbering them roughly 8 to 1. (Journal of Reading 1978: 15) Despite being late in military involvement, female members of the IRA did not evade violence; many women are commemorated in murals, and advertisements for their untimely deaths at the hands of Loyalists or British forces. Moreover, despite the rather progressive position they held, a division remained between the feminist perspectives of female members and the principles put forth by the organization, which at times made the choice of supporting the IRA controversial as women simultaneously fought for a united Ireland and gender equality.
In this exhibit, we dive into the complex relationships between women and the communities they inhabit. As violence was inherent and intertwined with the living situations in Northern Ireland, understanding the complex relationships between women and these violent paramilitary organizations is essential to understanding the conflict. We compare and contrast the paramilitary interactions and involvement between Republican and Loyalist women.
Loyalist Artifacts
Interview Quotes by Sandra McEvoy
“The question [of why I committed acts of paramilitary violence] was put to me umpteen times at different places …And I turn around and says[sic]“Me and my kind were there so that you and your kind could go to bed at night and sleep. That is why we were there. That’s why we the women were there at that time, so that you and your kind . . . You want to go in and close your doors and close blinds and go to your bed and sleep while me and the like of me are out?” . . . It was something that you felt you had to do. You were there. It was your duty. It was your duty to do it.”
Anonymous interview by Sandra McEvoy, Belfast, June 2006.
“As I say, because we felt at risk, you know? We felt hard done by. You could see your whole culture and your whole way of life just going down the drain and becoming a united Ireland. You know? You could just see that. You can see that to this very day we are all still very, very frustrated. You could see that then. You can still see it.”
“Chloe,” interview by Sandra McEvoy, Belfast, June 2006.
In a series of interviews, many anonymous, conducted by political scientist Sandra McEvoy in Belfast in April of 2006, motivations for joining and supporting paramilitary groups from the female perspective were discovered. Socialized violence and expectations of female care towards their own families and the larger Loyalist community were ingrained by protestant ideologies. These interviews show that even when women did take up arms after facing this continual threat, their actions were questioned based on gendered assumptions of their role in the conflict. Threats to personal beliefs and ways of life were at the forefront of women becoming involved in active paramilitary groups, although in small ways. Selected quotes here provide insight into a duty of care Loyalist women took upon themselves as the conflict and violence progressed deeper into their own communities. The need to resort to violence to protect the Loyalist identity in the face of perceived attacks was validated by many as something not just for themselves, but for fellow community members who share this identity. Instead of feeling at risk in their own homes, as described, these women took on active paramilitary defensive roles in their own communities to rid others of this same shared feeling. The importance of the space that they inhabit and comfort within isolated Loyalist communities motivated involvement, driving these women into paramilitary action, although not always largely supported in their own communities based on ingrained and gendered ideas of women’s roles in the conflict.
Royal Dublin Fusilier’s Association Voluntary Aid Detachments
This image of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers Association’s early days portrays the organization’s reliance on female aid. An infantry regiment of the British Army, created in 1881 and disbanded in 1922, they were one of eight “Irish” regiments of the army raised and garrisoned in Ireland. The organization disbanded with the establishment of the Irish Free State. They were extremely at odds with the beliefs of Republican political organizations, even taking arms and directly attacking their bunkers over the belief that the regiment was directly in service of King George. Partnering with the Ulster Women’s Unionist Council (UWUC) as well as the UVF, the RDFA worked to create a central authority around medicine to respond to a possible crisis. Within this partnership, Unionist women prepared themselves to resist Home Rule by forming a network of Voluntary Aid Detachments. Used largely during World War I, then eventually transferred into protecting Ulster protestant communities as the home rule conflict progressed, as they were set up in expectation of civil rule based on this prior training. Before the war was even declared, therefore, the Ulster VADs had a membership of 3,520. This group pictured was from Kingstown, Co. Dublin. They prepared to tend to wounded Loyalist volunteers in the event of armed conflict, specifically over Home Rule. This image and set of beliefs behind the caretaking role of women further the socialized idea that women were there to aid men’s leadership in the conflict, as they were unfit to handle or partake in the violence from early on.
WENDY’S 2 FINGERS TO UDA; Windows Smashed but Adair Henchmen’s Mother Tells Loyalist Death Squads: ‘I’m Back to Stay! by Cameron Kane
This news article, entitled “WENDY’S 2 FINGERS TO UDA; Windows Smashed but Adair Henchmen’s Mother Tells Loyalist Death Squads: ‘I’m Back to Stay!’” discusses the now exiled former “Queen of the UDA” and provides insight into modern relations between UDA paramilitary organizations and they community they once served. The Queen of the UDA, Wendy “Bucket” Millar founded the first women’s unit on Shankill Road in West Belfast, where she grew up. Her group was particularly active and highly visible due to the beehive hairstyle the group wore. She had the nicknames of “Bucket” on account of her outspoken, loud-mouthed personality, and “Queen of the UDA” for her devotion to the paramilitary organization. Initially, her female regiment group was involved in local community work and delivering food and parcels to UDA/UFF prisoners as well as prepping auxiliary work. However, in more recent years the evolution of the role of paramilitary organizations in local communities meant Millar got more involved in drug dealing and gang organization. Her sons are also high-profile UDA members, which brought her deeper into internal feuds within the organization, leading her to be ordered to leave Northern Ireland at the risk of execution as a result of threats from UDA bosses. This article references Millar’s return to Northern Ireland after exile to England, and how she was very vocal in talking to the media about her conviction to stay in her home, even as attacks on her and her son’s lives continued upon her return. This article also furthers the idea of the male fear of female involvement in the conflict, socialized so much that these tensions continue past peace talks. Millar’s early work shows the lack of acting roles for females in Loyalist paramilitary groups, barring them from actively obtaining and creating groups for themselves. Even so, these groups were not given the same roles or opportunities within the conflict.
Image of the All-Female Active Service Unit of the UDA image from Associated Press Archives
This image is of the all-female Active Service Unit of the UDA. Female loyalist organization around the conflict was extremely insular, with specific groups formed by and for women to put the forward effort in creating communal comfort and protection. With small amounts of active military members being women, there was not the same level of organization of formal structures prisons, instead specific Loyalist women’s units were formed, the first, shown above, being led by Wendy Millar. Researcher Sandra McEvoy suggests that “approximately two dozen active women’s units at various times throughout the conflict with a combined membership as high as three thousand women.”Active female participation in these groups was essential, although not as prevalent, in the evolution of the conflict. These gendered divides in paramilitary groups created larger intercommunal tension as a result of social standards around who is allowed to actively fight in the conflict, and who is supposed to be working to take care of the community itself. Research suggests that women’s opinions surrounding these male-led paramilitaries hold doubts on the ways that these violent actions truly represent their communities, which emphasized the importance of groups such as this. The role of female paramilitary organizations was more than just the actions they participated in, but also the idea and standard they created as a gendered minority within the effort.
1985 Article: A Woman’s Place in the Loyalist Community by Hester Dunn
This news article, entitled “A Woman’s Place in the Loyalist Community” outlines the personal beliefs of Hester Dunn, a member of the UDA political wing, surrounding the issues of household standards and an untapped female potential. Published in Fortnight on May 27th, 1985, this magazine is known as the “North’s longest-running independent publication.” This news source was founded in the 1970s, “in the hope of making a contribution to resolving the political and security crisis in Northern Ireland,” and still publishes to this day.
Dunn states how the issues facing women in the conflict are not solely pertain to paramilitary members themselves, but are inherent to all women due to existing social standards. Beliefs on employment, housing, and childcare roles for women, furthered by Hess’s writing, place limits on the ability of women to fight in multiple forms in the conflict. He states that although encouraged by men, women have not chosen to take on an active paramilitary role. Hess furthers the idea that women are allowed and actively want to participate solely in the childcare role. as it is inherent to their nature for this to be their priority. He also further asserts the idea that women are not prepared or amenable to violence, even stating that the main concern of having women in prison is not the issues or acts they are in prison for, but that the conditions are not fit for their standards. Hess’s article shows the larger belief by men in the UDA that limited female involvement is necessary based on societal beliefs surrounding their inherent fitness as mothers and carers, and not on their ability as political actors in their own right.
Female UVF Artillery Members
This image shows female members of the UVF holding common bayonets imported by the British, its allies, and its rebels. Due to the inherent international role the British played on the world stage, even prior to the conflict, these guns have multiple international sources. These are Austro-Hungarian arms and french civil war era bayonets. Pictured here are the Mle1874 Gras and M1904 ‘Irish Mannlicher’. The UVF was the main purchaser of the Mannlicher, purchasing 11,000 starting in 1904. Images like these show females’ aptitude for artillery work during the conflict.
However, with their involvement is also coupled the standards of childcare constantly on them. These gunners, accompanied by a small boy, further present the idea of a women’s role is first to be with the children, as even in the midst of conflict they are foundational to child care and work at home. In Sarah Master’s work “Sexed Pistols. The Gendered Impacts of Small Arms and Light Weapons, Gender & Development,” she discusses how in loyalist paramilitaries, the primary responsibility of women was hiding and transporting small arms. This image also further portrays accepted social standards of women’s roles and acceptance of the sexual division of labor, along stereotypical gender lines. Paramilitary groups relied upon the broadly accepted social stereotype of women as “peaceful” meaning they were rarely subjected to the same scrutiny when traveling and moving throughout these turbulent spaces.
PROTESTS SPREADING IN PRISON IN ULSTER: Pro-British Prisoners Begin a Fast, Adding to the Tension Caused by Seven-Week-Old Strike Other Prisoners Refuse to Work Many Refuse to Wear Uniforms from the New York Times Archives
This New York Times article outlines the state of the troubles in Ireland from an American perspective, discussing the pro-British prison protests in Ulster. Published December 13, 1980, the highlighted passage discusses female involvement in UDA prison strikes. Although the number of Loyalist female prisoners was low, meaning there were no formal structures in the prisons themselves, it was still prevalent enough to obtain international media coverage (Corcoran, 2006). This article highlights the international eye that was on the conflict as these prisons brought the most attention due to the abuse and lack of distinction between prisoners of war and actual prisoners. For both groups, this was a key definition as this terminology was based on the validity of violent action in the name of the larger political conscience. Although small amounts of female presence were imprisoned, their impact was largely felt during the hunger strikes. This lack of presence can be attributed to the fact that women were not in the same violent roles that would predispose them to prison sentencing.
Modern UVF Marches image from the Belfast Telegraph
This image shows modern female Ulster Volunteer Force recreators marching in East Belfast to mark the anniversary of the 1913 founding of the organization. However, outside this image, the majority of female marchers were hundreds of women dressed as nurses from a century ago. As loyalist paramilitary organizations do not include women in their ranks, the roles of women took on differing forms from traditional paramilitary action (Ward and McGivern 1980).
Traditional conceptions of the women’s role were deeply embedded in the cause during the Troubles. Still, the ideological importance of women taking up arms and playing an active role in the fight is still long-standing, especially as over time modern feminism has been purveyed throughout the Loyalist cause. Understanding the gravity of the Loyalist cause in modern-day Northern Ireland, as well as the role that women have begun to take on in a more modern context is essential to understanding the current state of the troubles. Female investment in the conflict maintains the same voracity (Abernethy, 2021). Although not a paramilitary organization, the DUP was headed by First Minister Arlene Foster in 2020, showing a larger acceptance of female leadership by the Loyalist community (https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/moving-past-troubles-future-northern-ireland-peace). As socialized ideas on gender have evolved in recent years, women can take on more, inherently violent, actions synonymous with Loyalist cultural traditions, such as bonfires and parades.
Republican Artifacts
Photograph of Cumann na mBan, an auxiliary wing of the IRA – From Bobbie Hanvey Photographic Archives, John J Burns Library at Boston College
A photograph of Cumann na mBan, a women’s auxiliary organization of the Irish Republican Army taken in Downpatrick on Easter Sunday, 1974. Participation in protests was a regular part of women’s role in the IRA, as they engaged in both the demand for the release of interned prisoners and the hunger strikes within prisons themselves. Other methods were also employed, the “women at Armagh Prison also carried out a dirty protest, when they refused to bathe or clean their cells, from 1980-1981” (Burns Library 2022: 3). This behavior granted the IRA numbers they would not have had barring female participation, and further legitimized Cumann na mBan as a viable avenue for achieving the core interests of the IRA. Despite resistance from some male IRA members to the ever-expanding role of women in their organization, members of Cumann na mBan insisted on equal status and eventually managed to be granted military training in the late 1960s. (Ward 1995: 258) However, this did not translate to legitimate gender equality within the organization, as other inequities were often carried out by male authority figures. The subsequent split of the IRA raised accounts of discrimination “in training and promotion” with women also combating “hostility [from] many of the men” who disapproved of the breach of conventional gender norms (Ward 1995: 259). In addition, the IRA maintained an overarching authority of the women’s auxiliary and reserved the right to confiscate funds raised by Cumann na mBan for their own desired purposes. Ward’s Unmanageable Revolutionaries: Women and Irish Nationalism recounts an incident in which Cumann na mBan was ordered to hand over funds initially raised for new uniforms to the IRA, reflective of a lack of autonomy the organization was granted despite making strides in women’s advancement. (Ward 1995)
Nationalist Poster referencing the Price Sisters (left), Dolours and Marian Price, former IRA members (right), from CAIN and the New York Times respectively
The poster on the left contrasts the violence in Belfast’s ‘The Falls’ with the relative peace in ‘Malone Road’, classified as working class and middle class respectively. (People’s Democracy, 1973) The additional text reading ‘Force Feeding is Torture’ is believed to be a reference to the Price Sisters (pictured on right), two female members of the Irish Republican Army who participated in hunger strikes, a common tactic employed by imprisoned IRA members after the relative ineffectiveness of dirty protests. The sisters were arrested for their participation in a 1973 London bombing, which resulted in imprisonment and an eventual hunger strike. (Vitello, 2013) Given the extreme distress that accompanies force-feeding, many members of the public vehemently opposed the practice and the two sisters gained notoriety for their dedication to the cause. Mass support for hunger strikers wasn’t uncommon, the case of Thomas Ashe’s death resulting from forced feeding roused a “crowd of 30,000, many armed and in uniform, [to follow] his coffin in defiance of martial law…”(Ward 1995: 125) The Price Sisters partook in a protest that was held in high regard by those in the republican community as an immense sacrifice and a sign of extreme devotion.
Sinn Fein Poster depicting Republican women, in celebration of International Women’s Day in 1982 , from CAIN
“This is not a man’s war but a people’s war, and very, very much suffering has been borne by the women, be they mothers, wives, political activists, or Volunteers, and the men ought to remember that without the sacrifice of women there would be no struggle at all”
Sinn Fein Poster (Burns Library 2022: 3)
Pictured is a Sinn Fein advertisement celebrating International Women’s Day in 1982. Sinn Fein’s status as the political wing of the Irish Republican Army obliged them to create thoughtful propaganda to support the cause. The small text in black reads “This is not a man’s war but a people’s war, and very, very much suffering has been borne by the women, be they mothers, wives, political activists, or Volunteers, and the men ought to remember that without the sacrifice of women there would be no struggle at all” (Burns Library 2022: 3). Within this text, there is an appreciation for both domestic and public roles women serve. While this does not indicate the presence of gender equality, it signifies a gesture not often replicated in Loyalist paramilitaries or politics. A reluctant acceptance of women traversing the domestic sphere seems to play out within the IRA over time, as reliance on their labor became important to undermining the powers of the Crown and Unionists. The image of a woman wielding a gun expressed the distaste for the British presence and the state of policing in Northern Ireland, and the poster itself is a celebration of women engaging in republican beliefs. (Burns Library 2022: 3) Sinn Fein had already employed gestures like these to retain republican support, such as the inclusion of a clause in their “constitution [reading]: ‘That the equality of men and women in this organization be emphasized in all speeches and pamphlets'” at their October 1917 Convention. (Ward 1995: 125)
Poster Portrayal of the Women’s Movement within the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) from CAIN
Translated as “No Freedom, Until Freedom of Women”
The poster pictured above portrays the women’s movement within the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), as they persistently fought for equal status within the organization. As evident by their formation of auxiliary organizations and creation of women-centered advertising, republican women were empowered to regularly make demands for their own advancement, despite resistance from many male IRA members. Miranda Alison’s Women as Agents of Political Violence: Gendering Security notes, “Women involved with the IRA in the early years of the Troubles seem more likely to have experienced incidents of sexism than those in later years” (Alison 2004: 456). While this is not indicative of the elimination of patriarchal institutions, it does reflect noteworthy progress for women that is not visible in Loyalist counterpart organizations. In earlier years, “republican women were usually confined to cooking, first aid, messaging and signaling duties in support of male combatants” yet later find themselves taking up arms in pursuit of a unified Ireland. (Ruairc 2018: 36) Despite this significant shift of gender dynamics, women in the organization were always under threat of violence both from oppositional groups and men within the republican coalition. Chapter 4from Defying the IRA? : Intimidation, Coercion, and Communities During the Irish Revolution explains that outside of the dangerous work women always conducted within the IRA, they were also potentially subject to threat from men sharing their own political alignment. This is partially accredited to “an idealized self-image that included chivalry to women” held by Irish Nationalists, however “contributed to a more restrained approach to female defiance” (Hughes 2016: 149). Therefore, while the form of punishment for women accused of espionage or betrayal of the IRA typically differed from that of men, the tolerance for their noncompliance was short. (Hughes 2016)
Cumann na mBan Mural located in West Belfast , with specific focus on the 1916 Easter Rising , from CAIN
This mural in West Belfast commemorates women from Cumann na mBan who took part in the 1916 Easter Rising. Although at this stage women were not typically taking on the role as combatants, Ruairc’s The Women Who Died For Ireland notes that there were exceptions to this rule, such as Constance Markievicz and Margaret Skinnider. (Ruairc 2018) Pictured on the right are depictions of Winifred Carney and N Connolly with the writing “They stand for the honor of Ireland, As their sisters in days that are gone, And they’ll march with their brothers to freedom.” Despite the rare instances of women’s participation in this particular event, their role was not trivial. Ward elaborates that “As the majority of the population had no idea why the Rising had taken place, their priority was to gain the support of the people,” and thus “this vital work of propaganda was largely undertaken by women” (Ward 1995: 120). This propaganda took many forms, including memorial services for the dead, working towards the freeing of interned prisoners, and building international relationships. (Ward 1995) The importance of propaganda for garnering support was crucial, especially as violent incidents result in subsequent anger from the public. These contributions proved invaluable, despite the lack of women engaging in combat at this point.
Cumann na mBan Mural located in West Belfast from CAIN
‘Carol’ interview by Miranda Alison, Belfast, April 2003
“I seen the same women who were struggling, who were demanding equality within every aspect of their life – and they got it within the movement, but they got it because they fought for it, not because it was the right thing to do.”
Pictured above is a mural dedicated to the memory of 6 women in the IRA, 4 of which were members of Cumann na mBan and 2 were members of Cumann na gCailini. Another mural highlighting the contributions of women within the movement is noteworthy, particularly as we evaluate the progress women made for gender equality from their participation in the IRA. Alison’s Women as Agents of Political Violence: Gendering Security draws from multiple interviews with women who experienced the organization firsthand. Although the degree of progress that was made might be disputed, there were some common sentiments that arose from Alison’s discussions. In particular, “Some ex-IRA women [Alison] interviewed felt that they experienced more gender equality in terms of treatment and opportunities within the military wing of republicanism than within the political wing” (Alison 2004: 459). In other words, the general sense of a somewhat progressive status in the IRA dissipated in the political arena, despite the integral part women played in Sinn Fein’s military wing. One of the interviewees, ‘Carol’, expressed a sense that the advancements made over the years were largely due to the efforts of women, and less because of the moral qualms men had with the oppression of women. Overall, Alison’s interviews demonstrate an ambivalence about the true nature of women’s progress via participation in the IRA, as traditional gender norms were transcended yet complete security and equality seemed to elude their grasp.
‘Mairead’ interview by Miranda Alison, Belfast, May 2003
“I’m not going to say there isn’t people with sexist views in the movement, there is. But it was in a different part of the movement that I experienced sexism.”
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